【新唐人2012年3月12日訊】「茅臺酒」高昂的價格和公費消費之間的關係,成為最近兩會代表的新鮮話題。貴州省委書記栗戰書出席兩會貴州代表團的開放日時表示,官場喝用「茅臺」不過是政府採購行為,也是市場行為。但據媒體爆料,「茅臺酒」暗藏國家機密,酒瓶編號對應不同的政府機構。大部分「茅臺酒」都流向了政府和國企,是「茅臺酒」價格昂貴的重要原因。
據大陸媒體報導,「茅臺」是官場酒,對一般人來說「茅臺」的產銷頗為神秘,無法知道真正內幕,但據內行人透露,茅臺酒的生產車間與窖藏的庫房都有編號,有詳細規定各自對應不同的官方機構。比如,供應省部級、軍隊以及更高級的用酒,都出自不同編號的車間與酒窖,其中的奧秘在酒瓶上的那條紅飄帶的標號當中。
「權利運動」網站負責人胡軍:「 那中南海把整個北京城的空氣都給污染了,那麼他現在食品也要特供,酒也特供,他們要是現在成立甚麼文工團,那不是說女人也要給他特供。我們這個政府的建立就是為了特權階層而服務的,這個(特供)很正常,也很自然,他就是一個利益集團,他肯定就有這些特殊的待遇,他這個獨裁體制本身存在的意義就是掠奪,就是要維護既得利益集團的特權。」
對於兩會上有代表要求「茅臺酒」退出政府採購單,貴州省委書記栗戰書表示,不要把茅臺酒和公款消費必然的聯繫在一起,政府採購和市場銷售是市場行為。栗戰書的回答引發輿論不滿,認為他故意混淆個人消費與公款消費的分別。
深圳當代社會觀察研究所所長劉開明:「 這個很多地方喝茅臺,他都做假賬做進去了,看不出來。比如說接待領導,他可以用會用費,開會的費用給他處理掉,這樣的話還是三公的消費,開支要透明,要細化,要嚴格的管理,特別是開放媒體,和公眾的監督,這樣的改革才能確保三公的消費能夠達到民眾和納稅人的期待,否則的話,如果按照目前這種體制,依靠茅臺酒和給這些商家施壓,這是不可能的。」
貴州省副省長慕德貴3月6號接受媒體採訪時表示,三公消費高不是「茅臺」的錯。他還說,三公消費和國家的管理體制是連在一起的,而國家財政的下撥情況和「跑部錢進」的體制,是造成三公消費的根本原因。
「權利運動」網站負責人胡軍:「 中國的國庫,中國的財政開支,都是官員的私錢,中共官員他可以任意的去揮霍,因為他不受監督,本身他已經是一個官員私有制了。 必須有一個監督制約體系,制約的話,現在需要還政於民,公權力進行制約,必須有一個憲法程序,我們人大代表選舉程序,都必須要進行改,那改的話呢,中共當局的話必須宣佈共產黨解散,要求中國實現大選,還政於民,這才是根本出路。」
公款吃喝、公車私用、公款旅遊這「三公消費」,動用巨額公款的同時,擠佔著教育、衛生、醫療、社會保障等民生支出。劉開明指出,如果「三公消費」問題不能夠解決的話,民眾對政府的不滿和激憤不斷高漲,將直接影響到整個社會的發展,挑戰中共執政的合法性。
新唐人記者易如、許旻採訪報導。
Maotai Liquor’s Label Hides State Secrets
How is the sky-high price of Maotai liquor related to official
misuse of public funds?
This is a new topic for deputies to discuss at the two sessions
of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) regime.
The CCP Secretary of Guizhou province, Li Zhanshu,
Recently claimed in public that:
the official figures of the consumption of Maotai are a reflection
of the behavior of government in procurement and marketing.
However, the Maotai liquor label conceals state secrets,
say media reports.
The label of Maotai wine bottle is differently numbered
so as to serve official organs at different levels.
Reportedly, most consignments of Maotai liquor have been
supplied directly to the government and state-owned enterprises. That is an important reason for its high price.
China’s Maotai liquor was reported to be the wine of
officialdom.
For the ordinary person, Maotai’s production and marketing is
somewhat mysterious.
Insiders revealed that Maotai’s production workshop and
cellars are all numbered as supplies to specific official agencies.
For example, the supply for the provincial and ministerial level,
and the supply for the army and higher-level organs are all different products.
The secret of it can be discerned from the label on the red ribbon
around the bottle neck.
Hu Jun(Chief of website Human Rights Campaign in China)
says: "The Zhongnanhai regime has polluted the whole of Beijing.
Now the regime’s food and wine orders all come under
special procurement needs.
If they need service from an art troupe, doesn’t that mean
that all those actresses are special procurements?
The existing government is specifically set up to serve
a privileged class.
The special procurement category is no surprise,
but is a normal phenomenon.
The regime’s officials are an interest group,
guaranteed to be given these kinds of special treatment.
The autocratic system itself exists exactly for depredation.
That is, to maintain the privileges of the vested interests group."
Axing Maotai from government purchasing orders was
called for by deputies to the two sessions.
In response, Li Zhanshu, the CCP Secretary of Guizhou,
said Maotai has no necessary ties to the official use of public funds.
The government’s procurement and product sales are purely
indicators of market behavior, Li Zhanshu has claimed.
A public outcry has criticized Li’s talk in which
he is believed to have deliberately confused figures
relating to personal consumption and those relating to the
official use of public funds.
Liu Kaiming (director of Contemporary Observation Institute)
says that: "A lot of the official expenditure on Maotai liquor was hidden by falsification of accounting records.
For example, the spending of leadership figures can be
counted as the meeting’s expenditure.
But this still falls into the category of “three-public” spending.
The official expenditure records should be transparent,
and follow a strict regulation, I think.
In particular, the ban on media reporting should be lifted,
and everything put under public scrutiny.
Only by carrying out such reforms, can the “three-public” spending
be controlled as desired.
Otherwise, it’s impossible to curb it only by from time to time
exerting pressure on Maotai producers."
Mu Guide, the vice governor of Guizhou Province, told
media reporters on March 6 that
Maotai liquor should not be blamed for the high level of
“three-public” spending.
The “three-public” spending is integrated to
the state administration system, said Mu.
Mu explained that, the allocation of national revenue and
the system of lobbying for official positions and
bribing are the root cause of
the “three-public” spending levels.
Hu Jun says, "China’s treasury and fiscal revenues are all
official accounting of private money.
The CCP officials can spend lavishly at their will,
since there’s no supervision over them.
It has become an officially recognized
private ownership.
There must exist a supervision and restriction mechanism,
and also power must be returned to the people.
A constitutional procedure must be set up to restrain
the abuse of public power.
The electoral procedure of the national people’s congress
should be changed.
But the prerequisite is the CCP regime’s disbanding of the party.
The only way out is to realize universal suffrage in China and
for the CCP to return power to the people."
Official spending on vehicles, hospitality and reception has
exhausted expenditure on education, health care,
medical treatment, social security and other livelihood areas.
Liu Kaiming notes that if the “three-public” spending problems
are not resolved, then the public's discontent and anger will grow.
The situation will directly affect the development of society
as a whole. And the legitimacy of the CCP’s rule will face real challenges.
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